Liberal Criticism
Some, including some egalitarian liberal feminists, argue that egalitarian liberal feminisms run the risk of being insufficiently liberal. Measures intended to promote gender fairness and the autonomy of women could end up unreasonably hindering citizen autonomy (Cudd 2006, 223). Some argue that Susan Okin's claim that the state should be guided by an egalitarian ideal of family life is an example of such a measure (see section 2.2.1). Other measures recommended by some egalitarian liberal feminists that some hold may be illiberal include quotas on party slates or in elected bodies (Peters 2006) (see section 2.2.2), and bans on violent pornography (see section 2.2.4).
Classical liberals or libertarians are critical of egalitarian liberal feminisms because, on their view, liberalism cannot support the claim that the right of some against coercive interference may be violated in order to promote the autonomy capacities of others, such as we find in affirmative action programs, or in the substantial taxation that would be necessary to fund the social programs egalitarian liberals endorse (Epstein 2002).
Conservative Criticism
Conservatives hold that reformers can do more harm than good when they undermine the institutions and norms which, while surely offending in many ways, also serve as the foundation for many people's well-being (Muller 1997; see also Fox-Genovese 1996). Such conservatives worry about the radical implications of liberal feminism, its willingness to put women's autonomy ahead of institutions and norms on which many people rely for their well-being. Ann Cudd suggests that the expansion of opportunity and equality promised by egalitarian liberal feminism “makes us all better off” (Cudd 2006, 237). Conservatives encourage us to consider also the loss that is in liberation.
Feminist Criticism
Some argue that egalitarian liberal feminism is insufficiently feminist. Some argue that the value of autonomy cannot support robust feminist criticism, and that robust feminist criticism requires a substantive feminist ideal of the good life (Yuracko 2003). Some argue that liberalism's central concern with fully functioning adult citizens renders it incapable of accounting sufficiently for the political value of caregiving work and the moral attitudes characteristic of the caring relation (Held 1987; Kittay 1999; Baier 1987; Ruddick 1989). Some argue that liberalism's focus on the distribution of benefits and burdens in society must be replaced with a focus on power relations (Young 1990, 37). Indeed, some argue that egalitarian liberal feminism's focus on women's disadvantage in the distribution of benefits and burdens, and on deficits in women's personal autonomy, overlooks the deeper problems of power inequality and the eroticization of domination and subordination that are the true lynchpins of the gender system (MacKinnon 1987; 1989).
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Showing posts with label Feminism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Feminism. Show all posts
Egalitarian liberal feminism
Egalitarian liberal feminism conceives of freedom as personal autonomy — living a life of one's own choosing — and political autonomy — being co-author of the conditions under which one lives.
Egalitarian liberal feminists hold that the exercise of personal autonomy depends on certain enabling conditions that are insufficiently present in women's lives, or that social arrangements often fail to respect women's personal autonomy and other elements of women's flourishing. They hold also that women's needs and interests are insufficiently reflected in the basic conditions under which they live, and that those conditions lack legitimacy because women are inadequately represented in the processes of democratic self-determination. Egalitarian liberal feminists hold that autonomy deficits like these are due to the “gender system” (Okin 1989, 89), or the patriarchal nature of inherited traditions and institutions, and that the women's movement should work to identify and remedy them.
As the protection and promotion of citizens' autonomy is the appropriate role of the state on the egalitarian liberal view, egalitarian liberal feminists hold that the state can and should be the women's movement's ally in protecting and promoting women's autonomy. There is disagreement among egalitarian liberal feminists, however, about the role of personal autonomy in the good life, the appropriate role of the state, and how egalitarian liberal feminism is to be justified.
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Egalitarian liberal feminists hold that the exercise of personal autonomy depends on certain enabling conditions that are insufficiently present in women's lives, or that social arrangements often fail to respect women's personal autonomy and other elements of women's flourishing. They hold also that women's needs and interests are insufficiently reflected in the basic conditions under which they live, and that those conditions lack legitimacy because women are inadequately represented in the processes of democratic self-determination. Egalitarian liberal feminists hold that autonomy deficits like these are due to the “gender system” (Okin 1989, 89), or the patriarchal nature of inherited traditions and institutions, and that the women's movement should work to identify and remedy them.
As the protection and promotion of citizens' autonomy is the appropriate role of the state on the egalitarian liberal view, egalitarian liberal feminists hold that the state can and should be the women's movement's ally in protecting and promoting women's autonomy. There is disagreement among egalitarian liberal feminists, however, about the role of personal autonomy in the good life, the appropriate role of the state, and how egalitarian liberal feminism is to be justified.
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Egalitarian feminism
When Supreme Court nominee Ruth Bader Ginsburg learned that a former classmate sniped in a speech about Ginsburg's "law school nickname, `Bitch,' " Ginsburg's response was neither rage nor tears. She exclaimed, "Better bitch than mouse!" according to Jeffrey Rosen in The New Republic (Aug. 2).
That phrase sheds light on Ginsburg's vision of feminism, says Rosen. It means she's an "egalitarian" feminist, not a "difference" feminist. An egalitarian feminist opposes laws that treat men and women differently, while a difference feminist believes laws should reflect women's differences from men, such as their status as child-bearers and victims of male violence.
The distinction is not esoteric. Many observers who followed Ginsburg's confirmation hearings believe it will affect her rulings on issues such as sex discrimination, abortion and child custody.
Ginsburg's past positions have irked some women's groups, notes Rosen, and led to an ambivalent reception to the generally conservative nominee. For example, Ginsburg has posited that pregnancy should be treated as an occupational disability, arguing that granting special maternity leaves and child-care provisions for working mothers would only goad employers not to hire women. Her opponents argued that because only women bear children and typically care for them, these special measures are necessary for women to remain equal in the workplace.
Ginsburg recently affirmed her status as an egalitarian feminist through a fan letter she sent writer Katha Pollit lauding her controversial article in The Nation (Dec. 28, 1992) blasting difference feminism. Pollit argued that the growing acceptance of the idea that women are "naturally" more nurturing and pacifist than men is unfair to men and dangerous for women. This notion feeds sentiments that women are better suited to the nursery than the workplace, she wrote, and denies the reality that men can be magnificent at mothering, too.
If Ginsburg's and Pollit's attitudes against difference feminism are appealing, another current article should be required reading. In Mirabella (August), Annie Gottlieb charts the resurgence of what could be called "difference masculism." Gottlieb analyzes several new books by men about men that praise "typical male" virtues: courage, rationality, productivity and "upstandingness."
The trend reveals men's desire to reclaim the higher ground following the increase of women's critiques of men as war-mongering emotional cripples, she suggests. "Both sexes have always paid a cruel price for gender distinctions," Gottlieb concludes, calling for new ways to "find the upstandingness in ovaries and the tenderness in testosterone."
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That phrase sheds light on Ginsburg's vision of feminism, says Rosen. It means she's an "egalitarian" feminist, not a "difference" feminist. An egalitarian feminist opposes laws that treat men and women differently, while a difference feminist believes laws should reflect women's differences from men, such as their status as child-bearers and victims of male violence.
The distinction is not esoteric. Many observers who followed Ginsburg's confirmation hearings believe it will affect her rulings on issues such as sex discrimination, abortion and child custody.
Ginsburg's past positions have irked some women's groups, notes Rosen, and led to an ambivalent reception to the generally conservative nominee. For example, Ginsburg has posited that pregnancy should be treated as an occupational disability, arguing that granting special maternity leaves and child-care provisions for working mothers would only goad employers not to hire women. Her opponents argued that because only women bear children and typically care for them, these special measures are necessary for women to remain equal in the workplace.
Ginsburg recently affirmed her status as an egalitarian feminist through a fan letter she sent writer Katha Pollit lauding her controversial article in The Nation (Dec. 28, 1992) blasting difference feminism. Pollit argued that the growing acceptance of the idea that women are "naturally" more nurturing and pacifist than men is unfair to men and dangerous for women. This notion feeds sentiments that women are better suited to the nursery than the workplace, she wrote, and denies the reality that men can be magnificent at mothering, too.
If Ginsburg's and Pollit's attitudes against difference feminism are appealing, another current article should be required reading. In Mirabella (August), Annie Gottlieb charts the resurgence of what could be called "difference masculism." Gottlieb analyzes several new books by men about men that praise "typical male" virtues: courage, rationality, productivity and "upstandingness."
The trend reveals men's desire to reclaim the higher ground following the increase of women's critiques of men as war-mongering emotional cripples, she suggests. "Both sexes have always paid a cruel price for gender distinctions," Gottlieb concludes, calling for new ways to "find the upstandingness in ovaries and the tenderness in testosterone."
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Dear Egalitarian Feminists!
Dear egalitarian feminists,
Remember how the MRA’s get in such a fit over feminism and the whataboutthemenz shaming, privilege slinging, general non-acceptance of men in their movement, and how feminism is NOT for male issues to be helped? I’ve got some quotes from the comment section of the atlantic for you to peruse and it might illustrate the type of feminist many mra’s encounter. It’s the easiest way to understand why there are so many anti-feminists, and why there are quite a few mra’s or even just men who’ve felt like feminism wasn’t accepting of them.
“The one comment that stood out the most to me is Zoe Nicholson’s that men’s ideal involvement in the feminist movement is as passive actors. “Behind,” “underneath,” “away,” men’s thoughts are irrelevant, they just need to give/raise money and stay out of the way. Is she right about this? ”
and the reply to this comment just under this line.
“Yes, she is. The society we live in values the voices of men over women, so feminism needs to be a place where women’s voices are paramount. If men want to share their thoughts and feelings, there’s the whole rest of the world to do that in. Feminism is for women. ”
Basically shutup you privileged male, we want feminism as a female-space
“Yes, it’s women’s responsibility once again to reach out to teh menz. Not that of men to get off their behinds and fight sexism. Fail. ”
Menz with the z is commonly used in an insulting manner, “What about the menz”. The comment may also be ignoring sexism against men but not too sure on that.
“Not my job to convince a man to be a decent human being if his parents failed. Also, given that society encultures women to cater to men in every other arena, I don’t give a damn if men feel hurt at being “excluded” by feminism. It’s not about them. Deal. ”
Against, feminism is not about men, men have all of society, yadda yadda.
“No, I don’t care what men have to say about feminism. They can have a say in feminism when women get to have a say in the patriarchy. ”
Funnily enough in the earlier days women probably did have quite a say in the “patriarchy” if it exists.
Now this is the kind of feminism that clashs with the egalitarian feminism, it seems they believe ONLY women have issues and men have “all the power”(TM), society is for men and men benefit so much.
“I just don’t understand why you are meekly submitting to the bigoted rhetoric of someone who hates you for no other reason than the pairing of your chromosomes. I’m a woman and an advocate for women’s rights, but I find this poisonous strain of feminism to be completely disgusting. I just don’t understand how you, a man and therefore the target of this bile, can react in any other way. ”
Seems some feminists are calling out the radfems (I’m guessing that is what the above were) which is a good sign.
“Exactly, both genders are simultaneously privileged and disprivileged by our traditional gender roles. When it comes to the courtroom (family or criminal), women have a distinct advantage. As to laws against stereotypically gendered violence. I’m speaking of special legal provisions for things like rape and domestic abuse. Where a man’s right to due process is in the name of keeping women safe. Extrajudicial punishments for accused abusers, and rape shield laws that unconstitutionally prevent men accused of rape from being able to present an affirmative defense. Also consider the fact that male victims of domestic violence are more likely to be arrested than their abusers if they call the police. Even if the male victim is dripping with blood, and his female abuser doesn’t have a scratch on her. I’m a criminal defense attorney and I see these things all the time. I was a pretty rabid feminist in college. Then I entered the legal profession and I see just how fundamentally unfair and discriminatory our justice system is to men. There is a growing recognition of this problem amongst attorneys. Even ardently feminist attorneys are beginning to admit that men get the shaft in court.”
This comment really stood out as someone in the industry who see’s the harm men can face and how sexism against men can actually be institutionalized.
This is what men face, even women who support male issues face, there is a clear division in feminism between egalitarians and gynocentrics. This is where the anti-feminism comes from as it’s commonly said that the gynocentric feminists actually have power, ability to lobby for gendered laws that are harmful to men and keeping the victim-mentality going on. It’s important I feel for everyone to see this division in what people think feminism is as it should help illustrate why feminism gets such a bad name at times. I agree it’s unfair to paint them all with the same brush but please understand there is I feel a legitimate concern with regard to feminism on male issues, I truly do not feel safe or comfortable discussing male issues in feminist spaces because of previous experiences where gynocentrics have belittled, antagonized and minimized the experience of men and egalitarians were few n far between.
Feminism for some is a view of equalism, so an attack on feminism can appear to be an attack on equal rights, it can also be seen as an attack on FEMALE rights, but most commonly I see it an attack on hypocrisy by x amount of feminists who cry foul of societies treatment of women but silence or even insulting on issues regarding men. There is a hell of a lot of bigotry within many self-indentified feminists but it’s the socially acceptable kind, bigotry against men and to dare question this will cop a near zealous reaction, and to dare question feminism will quickly land you accused of being a misogynist, hater of equality, “privileged white cis-male”, and other diversionary tactics.
Sorry to say it but quite a lot of feminists have tarnished the name and it’s up to feminists to fix it somehow, when SO MANY men and WOMEN start to call out feminism like I’ve seen recently, there is a big problem. Radfems, or gynocentrics, whatever label they are…seem to be destroying the good name of feminism and that’s sad because the founding principle was a good one. This is my opinion of course, I totally love egalitarian feminists and hate that their voices aren’t heard as much because of the instant association of feminism with the gynocentric misandrists, it’s unfair to be lumped together but quite frankly it’s similar to what mra’s face when they’re lumped together with the androcentric misogynists. I know quite a few egalitarian people and not many like to call themselves MRA or feminist, that in itself to me speaks volumes. Work together people! It seems many of each have the same goals just on different sides of the fence.
Read more...
Remember how the MRA’s get in such a fit over feminism and the whataboutthemenz shaming, privilege slinging, general non-acceptance of men in their movement, and how feminism is NOT for male issues to be helped? I’ve got some quotes from the comment section of the atlantic for you to peruse and it might illustrate the type of feminist many mra’s encounter. It’s the easiest way to understand why there are so many anti-feminists, and why there are quite a few mra’s or even just men who’ve felt like feminism wasn’t accepting of them.
“The one comment that stood out the most to me is Zoe Nicholson’s that men’s ideal involvement in the feminist movement is as passive actors. “Behind,” “underneath,” “away,” men’s thoughts are irrelevant, they just need to give/raise money and stay out of the way. Is she right about this? ”
and the reply to this comment just under this line.
“Yes, she is. The society we live in values the voices of men over women, so feminism needs to be a place where women’s voices are paramount. If men want to share their thoughts and feelings, there’s the whole rest of the world to do that in. Feminism is for women. ”
Basically shutup you privileged male, we want feminism as a female-space
“Yes, it’s women’s responsibility once again to reach out to teh menz. Not that of men to get off their behinds and fight sexism. Fail. ”
Menz with the z is commonly used in an insulting manner, “What about the menz”. The comment may also be ignoring sexism against men but not too sure on that.
“Not my job to convince a man to be a decent human being if his parents failed. Also, given that society encultures women to cater to men in every other arena, I don’t give a damn if men feel hurt at being “excluded” by feminism. It’s not about them. Deal. ”
Against, feminism is not about men, men have all of society, yadda yadda.
“No, I don’t care what men have to say about feminism. They can have a say in feminism when women get to have a say in the patriarchy. ”
Funnily enough in the earlier days women probably did have quite a say in the “patriarchy” if it exists.
Now this is the kind of feminism that clashs with the egalitarian feminism, it seems they believe ONLY women have issues and men have “all the power”(TM), society is for men and men benefit so much.
“I just don’t understand why you are meekly submitting to the bigoted rhetoric of someone who hates you for no other reason than the pairing of your chromosomes. I’m a woman and an advocate for women’s rights, but I find this poisonous strain of feminism to be completely disgusting. I just don’t understand how you, a man and therefore the target of this bile, can react in any other way. ”
Seems some feminists are calling out the radfems (I’m guessing that is what the above were) which is a good sign.
“Exactly, both genders are simultaneously privileged and disprivileged by our traditional gender roles. When it comes to the courtroom (family or criminal), women have a distinct advantage. As to laws against stereotypically gendered violence. I’m speaking of special legal provisions for things like rape and domestic abuse. Where a man’s right to due process is in the name of keeping women safe. Extrajudicial punishments for accused abusers, and rape shield laws that unconstitutionally prevent men accused of rape from being able to present an affirmative defense. Also consider the fact that male victims of domestic violence are more likely to be arrested than their abusers if they call the police. Even if the male victim is dripping with blood, and his female abuser doesn’t have a scratch on her. I’m a criminal defense attorney and I see these things all the time. I was a pretty rabid feminist in college. Then I entered the legal profession and I see just how fundamentally unfair and discriminatory our justice system is to men. There is a growing recognition of this problem amongst attorneys. Even ardently feminist attorneys are beginning to admit that men get the shaft in court.”
This comment really stood out as someone in the industry who see’s the harm men can face and how sexism against men can actually be institutionalized.
This is what men face, even women who support male issues face, there is a clear division in feminism between egalitarians and gynocentrics. This is where the anti-feminism comes from as it’s commonly said that the gynocentric feminists actually have power, ability to lobby for gendered laws that are harmful to men and keeping the victim-mentality going on. It’s important I feel for everyone to see this division in what people think feminism is as it should help illustrate why feminism gets such a bad name at times. I agree it’s unfair to paint them all with the same brush but please understand there is I feel a legitimate concern with regard to feminism on male issues, I truly do not feel safe or comfortable discussing male issues in feminist spaces because of previous experiences where gynocentrics have belittled, antagonized and minimized the experience of men and egalitarians were few n far between.
Feminism for some is a view of equalism, so an attack on feminism can appear to be an attack on equal rights, it can also be seen as an attack on FEMALE rights, but most commonly I see it an attack on hypocrisy by x amount of feminists who cry foul of societies treatment of women but silence or even insulting on issues regarding men. There is a hell of a lot of bigotry within many self-indentified feminists but it’s the socially acceptable kind, bigotry against men and to dare question this will cop a near zealous reaction, and to dare question feminism will quickly land you accused of being a misogynist, hater of equality, “privileged white cis-male”, and other diversionary tactics.
Sorry to say it but quite a lot of feminists have tarnished the name and it’s up to feminists to fix it somehow, when SO MANY men and WOMEN start to call out feminism like I’ve seen recently, there is a big problem. Radfems, or gynocentrics, whatever label they are…seem to be destroying the good name of feminism and that’s sad because the founding principle was a good one. This is my opinion of course, I totally love egalitarian feminists and hate that their voices aren’t heard as much because of the instant association of feminism with the gynocentric misandrists, it’s unfair to be lumped together but quite frankly it’s similar to what mra’s face when they’re lumped together with the androcentric misogynists. I know quite a few egalitarian people and not many like to call themselves MRA or feminist, that in itself to me speaks volumes. Work together people! It seems many of each have the same goals just on different sides of the fence.
Read more...
Cultural feminism
Cultural feminism developed from radical feminism. It is an ideology of a "female nature" or "female essence" that attempts to revalidate what cultural feminists consider undervalued female attributes.[1] It is also a theory that commends the difference of women from men.[2]
Its critics assert that because it is based on an essentialist view of the differences between women and men and advocates independence and institution building, it has led feminists to retreat from practicing public politics to a focus upon individual "life-style".[3] Alice Echols (a feminist historian and cultural theorist), credits Redstockings member Brooke Williams with introducing the term cultural feminism in 1975 to describe the depoliticisation of radical feminism.[3]
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Its critics assert that because it is based on an essentialist view of the differences between women and men and advocates independence and institution building, it has led feminists to retreat from practicing public politics to a focus upon individual "life-style".[3] Alice Echols (a feminist historian and cultural theorist), credits Redstockings member Brooke Williams with introducing the term cultural feminism in 1975 to describe the depoliticisation of radical feminism.[3]
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New feminism
New feminism is a predominantly Catholic philosophy which emphasizes a belief in an integral complementarity of men and women, rather than the superiority of men over women or women over men.[1]
New feminism, as a form of difference feminism, supports the idea that men and women have different strengths, perspectives, and roles, while advocating for the equal worth and dignity of both sexes. Among its basic concepts are that the most important differences are those that are biological rather than cultural. New Feminism holds that women should be valued as child bearers, home makers but also as individuals with equal worth to men.
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New feminism, as a form of difference feminism, supports the idea that men and women have different strengths, perspectives, and roles, while advocating for the equal worth and dignity of both sexes. Among its basic concepts are that the most important differences are those that are biological rather than cultural. New Feminism holds that women should be valued as child bearers, home makers but also as individuals with equal worth to men.
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Difference feminism
Difference feminism is a philosophy that stresses that men and women are ontologically different versions of the human being. Many Catholics adhere to and have written on the philosophy, though the philosophy is not specifically Catholic.
Although the title "difference feminism" is a relatively recent addition to the feminist movement, the philosophies of gender relations undergirding this category have their roots as far back as the early Greeks.[1] Forms of difference feminism often stress a fundamental biological, emotional, psychological or spiritual difference between the sexes.
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Although the title "difference feminism" is a relatively recent addition to the feminist movement, the philosophies of gender relations undergirding this category have their roots as far back as the early Greeks.[1] Forms of difference feminism often stress a fundamental biological, emotional, psychological or spiritual difference between the sexes.
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Main types of feminism
As with every social movement, feminism encompasses a variety of political tendencies. There are three main types of feminism: socialist, reformist, and radical/separatist.
--Socialist feminism (which can also be termed Marxist feminism or materialist feminism) traces the oppression of women to inequalities that developed in connection with the class system of private property. Socialist feminists view gender inequalities as intrinsic to the capitalist system, which makes vast profits off women's unpaid labor in the home and underpaid labor in the workforce. Like racism, homophobia and other forms of bigotry, sexism divides the working class and thereby allows the capitalists to make super-profits. Because these different forms of oppression have a common source, they also have a common solution: socialism. Socialist feminists seek to eliminate the capitalist system and replace it with socialism, which collectively shares the wealth created by human labor and has no economic stake in maintaining exploitation. Socialist feminists believe that the leadership of women and other oppressed people in a worker-run democracy will be able to root out chauvinist practices and psychology quite quickly. Radical Women is today's leading socialist feminist women's organization. Since its inception it has called for multi-issue organizing strategies, independent from capitalist political parties, that prioritize the needs of the most oppressed women. Radical Women is affiliated with the Freedom Socialist Party, a revolutionary socialist feminist party of men and women.
--Reformist feminists believe that gender inequality can be eliminated through legislative or electoral reforms without the need to alter the capitalist system itself. Groups such as the National Organization for Women and NARAL/Pro-Choice America typify reformist feminism. Because they limit their efforts to what can be achieved within the current system, they orient primarily to more privileged white, middleclass women many of whose needs can be at least partially or temporarily ameliorated by reforms. Their approach is single-issue and aimed at swaying politicians and donors.
--Radical feminists target male psychology or biology as the source of women's oppression. The most extreme form of radical feminism is separatism, which advocates a total break with men. By posing an all-inclusive sisterhood as the solution to patriarchy, radical feminists overlook the class differences that prevent women as a whole from having the same interests. They often minimize the importance of solidarity between women and men of color in the fight against racism. They tend to ignore issues that don't relate directly to a narrowly defined female experience. The magazine off our backs and the Michigan Womyn's Music Festival are long-established upholders of radical feminist ideology.
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--Socialist feminism (which can also be termed Marxist feminism or materialist feminism) traces the oppression of women to inequalities that developed in connection with the class system of private property. Socialist feminists view gender inequalities as intrinsic to the capitalist system, which makes vast profits off women's unpaid labor in the home and underpaid labor in the workforce. Like racism, homophobia and other forms of bigotry, sexism divides the working class and thereby allows the capitalists to make super-profits. Because these different forms of oppression have a common source, they also have a common solution: socialism. Socialist feminists seek to eliminate the capitalist system and replace it with socialism, which collectively shares the wealth created by human labor and has no economic stake in maintaining exploitation. Socialist feminists believe that the leadership of women and other oppressed people in a worker-run democracy will be able to root out chauvinist practices and psychology quite quickly. Radical Women is today's leading socialist feminist women's organization. Since its inception it has called for multi-issue organizing strategies, independent from capitalist political parties, that prioritize the needs of the most oppressed women. Radical Women is affiliated with the Freedom Socialist Party, a revolutionary socialist feminist party of men and women.
--Reformist feminists believe that gender inequality can be eliminated through legislative or electoral reforms without the need to alter the capitalist system itself. Groups such as the National Organization for Women and NARAL/Pro-Choice America typify reformist feminism. Because they limit their efforts to what can be achieved within the current system, they orient primarily to more privileged white, middleclass women many of whose needs can be at least partially or temporarily ameliorated by reforms. Their approach is single-issue and aimed at swaying politicians and donors.
--Radical feminists target male psychology or biology as the source of women's oppression. The most extreme form of radical feminism is separatism, which advocates a total break with men. By posing an all-inclusive sisterhood as the solution to patriarchy, radical feminists overlook the class differences that prevent women as a whole from having the same interests. They often minimize the importance of solidarity between women and men of color in the fight against racism. They tend to ignore issues that don't relate directly to a narrowly defined female experience. The magazine off our backs and the Michigan Womyn's Music Festival are long-established upholders of radical feminist ideology.
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Types of feminism
Amazon feminism: Focuses on the image of the female hero, both fictional and real, in literature and art, and is particularly concerned with physical equality. Opposes gender role stereotypes and discrimination against women, particularly images of women as passive, weak, and physically helpless.
Anarcho-feminism: Anarchist branch of radical feminism based on the work of Emma Goldman. Focuses on critiquing society based on race, gender, and social class.
Cultural feminism: Focuses on women’s inherent differences from men, including their “natural” kindness, tendencies to nurture, pacifism, relationship focus, and concern for others. Opposes an emphasis on equality and instead argues for increased value placed on culturally designated “women’s work.”
Difference feminism:See cultural feminism. Emphasizes women’s difference/uniqueness and traditionally “feminine” characteristics; argues that more value should be placed on these qualities.
Erotic feminism: German-based feminism emphasizing the philosophical, metaphysical, and life-creating value of erotic life. Argues that sexuality opposes war and is thus distinctly feminine.
Ecofeminism: Argues against patriarchal tendencies to destroy the environment, animals, and natural resources. Focuses on efforts to stop plundering of Earth’s resources, often drawing parallels between exploitation of women and exploitation of the Earth. Frequently connected with spirituality and vegetarianism.
Equality feminism: Focuses on gaining equality between men and women in all domains (work, home, sexuality, law). Argues that women should receive all privileges given to men and that biological differences between men and women do not justify inequality. Most common form of feminism represented in the media.
Essentialist feminism: Focuses on “true” “biological” differences between men and women, arguing that women are essentially different from men but equal in value (i.e.,“separate but equal”).
Feminazism: Militant form of radical feminism that embraces the hostile term “feminazi” (taken from the “Nazi” reference to fascism), originally and most often used as a hateful label for feminists. These feminists are often highly disliked by popular culture and ghettoized as “crazy,” “outrageous,” and “bitchy.”
Feminism and women of color: Focuses on multiple forms of oppression (race and gender in particular, but also sexuality and social class). First feminism to draw attention to the whiteness of mainstream feminism and the need to look at race and gender.
Fourth-world feminism: Focuses on the power relationships between colonizers and (native) colonized people. Argues against the process of colonization, whereby native cultures are stripped of their customs, values, land, and traditions and forced to adopt the colonizers’ ways of life.
French feminism: Movement by a set of French feminist thinkers (Julia Kristeva, Luce Irigaray, Simone de Beauvoir, Monique Wittig, Hélène Cixous, and others), mainly in the 1970s, who reshaped feminist thought by adding a philosophical focus to feminist theory. These feminists were associated with several male intellectuals of the time, including Derrida, Bataille, and Barthes.
Individual/libertarian feminism: Argues for minimal government intervention, anarchy, and an end to capitalism. Focuses on individual autonomy, rights, liberty, independence, and diversity.
Lesbian feminism: Diverse feminism based on the rejection of institutionalized heterosexism, particularly the primacy of the nuclear family, and the lack of legal recognition afforded to lesbians. Argues that lesbian identity is both personal and political, and actively works against homophobia.
Liberal feminism:See equality feminism. Focuses on working within institutions to gain equality for women (e.g., the vote, equal protection under the law) but does not focus on changing the entire institution (e.g., doing away with government). Often at odds with radical feminism.
Marxist/socialist feminism: Attributes women’s oppression to a capitalist economy and the private property system. Argues that capitalism must be overthrown if the oppression of women is to end. Draws parallels between women and “workers” and emphasizes collective change rather than individual change.
Material feminism: Late-19th-century movement to liberate women by improving their material conditions, removing domestic responsibilities such as cooking and housework, and allowing women to earn their own wages.
Moderate feminism: Similar to liberal feminism; sees the importance of change within institutions. Argues for small steps toward gender equality. Often comprised of younger women who espouse feminist ideas without calling themselves “feminists.”
Pop feminism: Focuses on caricatures of “girl power” idols and “Wonder Woman” images. Sometimes derided by feminists, but often attracts young women interested in empowerment but uninterested in social change and activism. Examples include Powerpuff Girls, She-Ra, Buffy the Vampire Slayer, and Charlie’s Angels.
Postcolonial feminism: Emphasizes a rejection of colonial power relationships (in which the colonizer strips the colonized subject of her customs, traditions, and values). Argues for the deconstruction of power relationships and the inclusion of race within feminist analyses. Usually includes all feminist writings not from Britain or the United States.
Postfeminism: Feminism informed by psychoanalysis, postmodernism, and postcolonialism. Emphasizes multiple forms of oppression, multiple definitions of feminism, and a shift beyond equality as the major goal of the feminist movement.
Postmodern feminism: Critiques the male/female binary and argues against this binary as the organizing force of society. Advocates deconstructionist techniques of blurring boundaries, eliminating dichotomies, and accepting multiple realities rather than searching for a singular “truth.”
Psychoanalytic feminism: Uses psychoanalysis as a tool of female liberation by revising certain patriarchal tenants, such as Freud’s view on mothering, Oedipal/Electra complex, penis envy, and female sexuality.
Radical feminism: Cutting-edge branch of feminism focused on sweeping social reforms, social change, and revolution. Argues against institutions like patriarchy, heterosexism, and racism and instead emphasizes gender as a social construction, denouncing biological roots of gender difference. Often paves the way for other branches of feminism.
Separatist feminism: Advocates separation from men, physically, emotionally, psychologically, and spiritually. Argues for women-only spaces, large and small, including lesbian separatist living communities, women-only music festivals, and consciousness-raising groups. Often emphasizes healing and connection between women that male-patriarchal spaces prohibit. Sometimes promotes spelling “women” as “womyn” in order to remove “men” from the word “women.”
Socialist feminism: Blend of Marxist feminism and radical feminism. Argues against capitalism and for socialism, saying that collective efforts to overthrow existing economic systems ultimately will benefit women.
Third-world feminism:See postcolonial feminism. Emphasizes feminist scholarship outside Britain and the United States and the ways in which capitalism shapes all relationships of dominance. Shows how oppression of women by men is similar to oppression of third-world countries by first-world countries
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Anarcho-feminism: Anarchist branch of radical feminism based on the work of Emma Goldman. Focuses on critiquing society based on race, gender, and social class.
Cultural feminism: Focuses on women’s inherent differences from men, including their “natural” kindness, tendencies to nurture, pacifism, relationship focus, and concern for others. Opposes an emphasis on equality and instead argues for increased value placed on culturally designated “women’s work.”
Difference feminism:See cultural feminism. Emphasizes women’s difference/uniqueness and traditionally “feminine” characteristics; argues that more value should be placed on these qualities.
Erotic feminism: German-based feminism emphasizing the philosophical, metaphysical, and life-creating value of erotic life. Argues that sexuality opposes war and is thus distinctly feminine.
Ecofeminism: Argues against patriarchal tendencies to destroy the environment, animals, and natural resources. Focuses on efforts to stop plundering of Earth’s resources, often drawing parallels between exploitation of women and exploitation of the Earth. Frequently connected with spirituality and vegetarianism.
Equality feminism: Focuses on gaining equality between men and women in all domains (work, home, sexuality, law). Argues that women should receive all privileges given to men and that biological differences between men and women do not justify inequality. Most common form of feminism represented in the media.
Essentialist feminism: Focuses on “true” “biological” differences between men and women, arguing that women are essentially different from men but equal in value (i.e.,“separate but equal”).
Feminazism: Militant form of radical feminism that embraces the hostile term “feminazi” (taken from the “Nazi” reference to fascism), originally and most often used as a hateful label for feminists. These feminists are often highly disliked by popular culture and ghettoized as “crazy,” “outrageous,” and “bitchy.”
Feminism and women of color: Focuses on multiple forms of oppression (race and gender in particular, but also sexuality and social class). First feminism to draw attention to the whiteness of mainstream feminism and the need to look at race and gender.
Fourth-world feminism: Focuses on the power relationships between colonizers and (native) colonized people. Argues against the process of colonization, whereby native cultures are stripped of their customs, values, land, and traditions and forced to adopt the colonizers’ ways of life.
French feminism: Movement by a set of French feminist thinkers (Julia Kristeva, Luce Irigaray, Simone de Beauvoir, Monique Wittig, Hélène Cixous, and others), mainly in the 1970s, who reshaped feminist thought by adding a philosophical focus to feminist theory. These feminists were associated with several male intellectuals of the time, including Derrida, Bataille, and Barthes.
Individual/libertarian feminism: Argues for minimal government intervention, anarchy, and an end to capitalism. Focuses on individual autonomy, rights, liberty, independence, and diversity.
Lesbian feminism: Diverse feminism based on the rejection of institutionalized heterosexism, particularly the primacy of the nuclear family, and the lack of legal recognition afforded to lesbians. Argues that lesbian identity is both personal and political, and actively works against homophobia.
Liberal feminism:See equality feminism. Focuses on working within institutions to gain equality for women (e.g., the vote, equal protection under the law) but does not focus on changing the entire institution (e.g., doing away with government). Often at odds with radical feminism.
Marxist/socialist feminism: Attributes women’s oppression to a capitalist economy and the private property system. Argues that capitalism must be overthrown if the oppression of women is to end. Draws parallels between women and “workers” and emphasizes collective change rather than individual change.
Material feminism: Late-19th-century movement to liberate women by improving their material conditions, removing domestic responsibilities such as cooking and housework, and allowing women to earn their own wages.
Moderate feminism: Similar to liberal feminism; sees the importance of change within institutions. Argues for small steps toward gender equality. Often comprised of younger women who espouse feminist ideas without calling themselves “feminists.”
Pop feminism: Focuses on caricatures of “girl power” idols and “Wonder Woman” images. Sometimes derided by feminists, but often attracts young women interested in empowerment but uninterested in social change and activism. Examples include Powerpuff Girls, She-Ra, Buffy the Vampire Slayer, and Charlie’s Angels.
Postcolonial feminism: Emphasizes a rejection of colonial power relationships (in which the colonizer strips the colonized subject of her customs, traditions, and values). Argues for the deconstruction of power relationships and the inclusion of race within feminist analyses. Usually includes all feminist writings not from Britain or the United States.
Postfeminism: Feminism informed by psychoanalysis, postmodernism, and postcolonialism. Emphasizes multiple forms of oppression, multiple definitions of feminism, and a shift beyond equality as the major goal of the feminist movement.
Postmodern feminism: Critiques the male/female binary and argues against this binary as the organizing force of society. Advocates deconstructionist techniques of blurring boundaries, eliminating dichotomies, and accepting multiple realities rather than searching for a singular “truth.”
Psychoanalytic feminism: Uses psychoanalysis as a tool of female liberation by revising certain patriarchal tenants, such as Freud’s view on mothering, Oedipal/Electra complex, penis envy, and female sexuality.
Radical feminism: Cutting-edge branch of feminism focused on sweeping social reforms, social change, and revolution. Argues against institutions like patriarchy, heterosexism, and racism and instead emphasizes gender as a social construction, denouncing biological roots of gender difference. Often paves the way for other branches of feminism.
Separatist feminism: Advocates separation from men, physically, emotionally, psychologically, and spiritually. Argues for women-only spaces, large and small, including lesbian separatist living communities, women-only music festivals, and consciousness-raising groups. Often emphasizes healing and connection between women that male-patriarchal spaces prohibit. Sometimes promotes spelling “women” as “womyn” in order to remove “men” from the word “women.”
Socialist feminism: Blend of Marxist feminism and radical feminism. Argues against capitalism and for socialism, saying that collective efforts to overthrow existing economic systems ultimately will benefit women.
Third-world feminism:See postcolonial feminism. Emphasizes feminist scholarship outside Britain and the United States and the ways in which capitalism shapes all relationships of dominance. Shows how oppression of women by men is similar to oppression of third-world countries by first-world countries
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Radical Feminists
Radical feminists in Western society assert that their society is a patriarchy in which men are the primary oppressors of women.[6] Radical feminists seek to abolish patriarchy. Radical feminism posits the theory that, due to patriarchy, women have come to be viewed as the "other" to the male norm and as such have been systematically oppressed and marginalized. They also believe that the way to deal with patriarchy and oppression of all kinds is to address the underlying causes of these problems through revolution.
While early radical feminists posited that the root cause of all other inequalities is the oppression of women, some radical feminists acknowledge the simultaneous and intersecting effect of other independent categories of oppression as well. These other categories of oppression may include, but are not limited to, oppression based on gender identity, race, social class, perceived attractiveness, sexual orientation, and ability.[7]
Patriarchal theory is not always defined as a belief that all men always benefit from the oppression of all women. Patriarchal theory maintains that the primary element of patriarchy is a relationship of dominance, where one party is dominant and exploits the other party for the benefit of the former.
Radical feminists believe that men use social systems and other methods of control to keep non-dominant men and women suppressed.[citation needed] Radical feminists also believe that eliminating patriarchy, and other systems which perpetuate the domination of one group over another, will liberate everyone from an unjust society.
Some radical feminists called[8] for women to govern women and men, among them Andrea Dworkin,[9] Phyllis Chesler,[10] Monique Wittig (in fiction),[11] Mary Daly,[12] Jill Johnston,[13] and Robin Morgan.[14]
Redstockings co-founder Ellen Willis wrote in 1984 that radical feminism "got sexual politics recognized as a public issue",[2] "created the vocabulary… with which the second wave of feminism entered popular culture",[2] "sparked the drive to legalize abortion",[2] "were the first to demand total equality in the so-called private sphere"[2] ("housework and child care,… emotional and sexual needs"),[2] and "created the atmosphere of urgency"[2] that almost led to the passage of the Equal Rights Amendment.[2] The influence of radical feminism can be seen in the adoption of these issues by the National Organization for Women (NOW),[citation needed] a feminist group, that had previously been focused almost entirely on economic issues.[15]
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While early radical feminists posited that the root cause of all other inequalities is the oppression of women, some radical feminists acknowledge the simultaneous and intersecting effect of other independent categories of oppression as well. These other categories of oppression may include, but are not limited to, oppression based on gender identity, race, social class, perceived attractiveness, sexual orientation, and ability.[7]
Patriarchal theory is not always defined as a belief that all men always benefit from the oppression of all women. Patriarchal theory maintains that the primary element of patriarchy is a relationship of dominance, where one party is dominant and exploits the other party for the benefit of the former.
Radical feminists believe that men use social systems and other methods of control to keep non-dominant men and women suppressed.[citation needed] Radical feminists also believe that eliminating patriarchy, and other systems which perpetuate the domination of one group over another, will liberate everyone from an unjust society.
Some radical feminists called[8] for women to govern women and men, among them Andrea Dworkin,[9] Phyllis Chesler,[10] Monique Wittig (in fiction),[11] Mary Daly,[12] Jill Johnston,[13] and Robin Morgan.[14]
Redstockings co-founder Ellen Willis wrote in 1984 that radical feminism "got sexual politics recognized as a public issue",[2] "created the vocabulary… with which the second wave of feminism entered popular culture",[2] "sparked the drive to legalize abortion",[2] "were the first to demand total equality in the so-called private sphere"[2] ("housework and child care,… emotional and sexual needs"),[2] and "created the atmosphere of urgency"[2] that almost led to the passage of the Equal Rights Amendment.[2] The influence of radical feminism can be seen in the adoption of these issues by the National Organization for Women (NOW),[citation needed] a feminist group, that had previously been focused almost entirely on economic issues.[15]
Read more...
Marxist feminism
Marxist feminism is a sub-type of feminist theory which focuses on the dismantling of capitalism as a way of liberating women.
Marxist feminism states that private property, which gives rise to economic inequality, dependence, political confusion, and ultimately unhealthy social relations between men and women, is the root of women's oppression in the current social context.
Marxist feminism's foundation is laid by Engels in his analysis of gender oppression in The Origins of the Family, Private Property and the State. He claims that a woman's subordination is not a result of her biologic disposition but of social relations, and that the institution of family as it exists is a complex system in which men command women's services.
According to Marxist theory, the individual is heavily influenced by the structure of society, which in all modern societies means a class structure; that is, people's opportunities, wants, and interests are seen to be shaped by the mode of production that characterizes the society they inhabit.
Marxist feminists see contemporary gender inequality as determined ultimately by the capitalist mode of production. Gender oppression is class oppression and the relationship between man and woman in society is similar to the relations between proletariat and bourgeoise. Women's subordination is seen as a form of class oppression, which is maintained (like racism) because it serves the interests of capital and the ruling class. Marxist feminists have extended traditional Marxist analysis by looking at domestic labour as well as wage work.
Radical Women, a major Marxist-feminist organization, bases its theory on Marx' and Engels' analysis that the enslavement of women was the first building block of an economic system based on private property. They contend that elimination of the capitalist profit-driven economy will remove the motivation for sexism, racism, homophobia, and other forms of oppression.[1]
In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, both Clara Zetkin and Eleanor Marx were against the demonization of men and supported a proletarian revolution that would overcome as many male–female inequalities as possible.[2] As their movement already had the most radical demands in women's equality, most Marxist leaders, including Clara Zetkin[3][4] and Alexandra Kollontai,counterposed Marxism against bourgeois feminism, rather than trying to combine them.
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Marxist feminism states that private property, which gives rise to economic inequality, dependence, political confusion, and ultimately unhealthy social relations between men and women, is the root of women's oppression in the current social context.
Marxist feminism's foundation is laid by Engels in his analysis of gender oppression in The Origins of the Family, Private Property and the State. He claims that a woman's subordination is not a result of her biologic disposition but of social relations, and that the institution of family as it exists is a complex system in which men command women's services.
According to Marxist theory, the individual is heavily influenced by the structure of society, which in all modern societies means a class structure; that is, people's opportunities, wants, and interests are seen to be shaped by the mode of production that characterizes the society they inhabit.
Marxist feminists see contemporary gender inequality as determined ultimately by the capitalist mode of production. Gender oppression is class oppression and the relationship between man and woman in society is similar to the relations between proletariat and bourgeoise. Women's subordination is seen as a form of class oppression, which is maintained (like racism) because it serves the interests of capital and the ruling class. Marxist feminists have extended traditional Marxist analysis by looking at domestic labour as well as wage work.
Radical Women, a major Marxist-feminist organization, bases its theory on Marx' and Engels' analysis that the enslavement of women was the first building block of an economic system based on private property. They contend that elimination of the capitalist profit-driven economy will remove the motivation for sexism, racism, homophobia, and other forms of oppression.[1]
In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, both Clara Zetkin and Eleanor Marx were against the demonization of men and supported a proletarian revolution that would overcome as many male–female inequalities as possible.[2] As their movement already had the most radical demands in women's equality, most Marxist leaders, including Clara Zetkin[3][4] and Alexandra Kollontai,counterposed Marxism against bourgeois feminism, rather than trying to combine them.
Read more...
Feminism - types
Conservative Feminism
Conservative feminism criticizes the feminism which "adopts a male model of careerism and public achievement as female goals, thereby denying women's need for intimacy, family, and children." They fear that "equality means death to the family." They oft en reject the popular feminist epigram, "the personal is political."
Liberal Feminism
Liberal feminism sees all people as equal, therefore there should be equality for all. They see sexism as dysfunctional because it deprives society of one-half of it's creative work force. Oppression exists because of our socialization process.
Radical Feminism
Radical Feminism sees the oppression of women as fundamental and the most basic form of oppression. All other forms of oppression stem from male dominance. The purpose of this oppression is to obtain psychological ego satisfaction, and strength and self-esteem.
Socialist Feminism
Socialist Feminism links women's oppression to the class structure. Sexism is a way of rewarding the working class male; it gives them control over women. Women's work is less valued because it does not produce exchangeable goods.
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Conservative feminism criticizes the feminism which "adopts a male model of careerism and public achievement as female goals, thereby denying women's need for intimacy, family, and children." They fear that "equality means death to the family." They oft en reject the popular feminist epigram, "the personal is political."
Liberal Feminism
Liberal feminism sees all people as equal, therefore there should be equality for all. They see sexism as dysfunctional because it deprives society of one-half of it's creative work force. Oppression exists because of our socialization process.
Radical Feminism
Radical Feminism sees the oppression of women as fundamental and the most basic form of oppression. All other forms of oppression stem from male dominance. The purpose of this oppression is to obtain psychological ego satisfaction, and strength and self-esteem.
Socialist Feminism
Socialist Feminism links women's oppression to the class structure. Sexism is a way of rewarding the working class male; it gives them control over women. Women's work is less valued because it does not produce exchangeable goods.
Read more...
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